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By Valerie Hope

Human frailty and mortality impact the constitution and functioning of all societies; questions of ways the ancients coped with their very own mortality, how they sought to categorise and keep an eye on the explanations of loss of life, and the way they taken care of the demise and the useless, are as a result valuable to any realizing of antiquity. This leading edge quantity attracts upon fresh study in archaeology, historical heritage, and the background of drugs to guage a majority of these concerns. It addresses quite a lot of themes, together with perspectives of historic affliction causation; private and non-private wellbeing and fitness measures; how the average and concrete setting affected the health and wellbeing of the person; how town used to be organised to guard the future health and safeguard of the dwelling; and the way the residing sought security from the polluting impression of either the diseased and the useless. Lucid and available, this paintings is the 1st to unite the learn of dying and disorder in antiquity, supplying beneficial insights into how those elements formed the traditional urban. it is going to allure not just to classical students and scholars, yet to all these drawn to the heritage of demise and affliction.

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Extra info for Death and Disease in the Ancient City (Routledge Classical Monographs)

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502. 8 Parker (1983:45, 216–18, 239–40, 242–9) argues that although gods are sometimes seen to send diseases when humans transgress divine laws, infractions do not normally result in divinely sent diseases. 88–9 also implies that this spring, or cyra, was the first point of embarkation for the Theran colonists. 294 alludes to this spring when he says that the exiled Damophilus anxiously awaits the day when he could return to his city where he would enjoy a banquet near Apollo’s fountain. The way in which Pindar uses this spring as a landmark emphasises its centrality to Cyrene.

86) goes back to a Greek origin, the parallels which he cites (X. Mem. 18; Polyaen. 22; Aesop 130 [Perry]) do not concern the city, and the fable’s purpose, to justify the Senate/stomach as sleeping partner, has no obvious parallel in the Greek world. 5 arrōstia: Hyp. 2 fr. 14; katabolē…astheneias, prosistasthai: PI. Grg. 519a; PI Com fr. 201KA [= Plut. Mor. 804a); sathros: Hdt. 5; hupoulos: PI Grg. 518e; eklelusthai: Dem. 19–224. I exclude paligkotōs (Hdt. , since paligkot- does not 34 DEATH AND DISEASE IN THE ANCIENT CITY 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 appear in any of the Hippocratic treatises commonly regarded as possibly datable to the fifth century.

4 The lack of anatomical detail is not the result of ignorance, since a basic knowledge of anatomy is already reflected in Homer’s descriptions of wounds in the Iliad (even if little advance was made thereafter until the application of dissection in the early Hellenistic period); it must therefore be a matter of deliberate choice. 26 DEATH AND DISEASE IN THE ANCIENT CITY Vagueness about anatomical and clinical particulars is paralleled by the very general language in which the disease of civil strife is described.

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