By Laurie A. Brand
Although nearly all of emigration at the present time originates within the international south, so much study has desirous about the receiving states of Europe and North the USA, whereas little or no recognition has been paid to the rules of the sending states towards emigration or towards their nationals overseas. Taking the rustic circumstances of Morocco, Tunisia, Lebanon and Jordan, this paintings explores the connection among the govt of the sending states, the outmovement in their voters and the groups of expatriates that experience constructed. via targeting the evolution of presidency associations charged with numerous features of expatriate affairs, this paintings breaks new flooring in figuring out the altering nature of the connection among expatriates and their domestic nation. faraway from suggesting that the country is waning in significance, the conclusions point out that this courting presents facts either one of kingdom resilience and of latest tendencies within the perform of sovereignty.
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Extra resources for Citizens Abroad: Emigration and the State in the Middle East and North Africa
Pp. 111–12. He notes, for example that the leaders of states that joined the European Union in effect undermined their Westphalian sovereignty by entering into an agreement recognizing authority structures outside their borders. Conversely, Taiwan has Westphalian sovereignty, but not international legal sovereignty, that is, formal international recognition of its juridical independence: Sovereignty, p. 4. State sovereignty, state resilience 31 by lack of enfranchisement in their countries of residence.
This is security-related image control aimed at maintaining the various advantages that the expatriate communities enjoy and from which the sending state, by extension, benefits. Methodology My country cases – Morocco, Tunisia, Jordan and Lebanon – all have at least one state-sponsored expatriate-related institution, although the histories and functions of these institutions differ considerably, as the chapters that follow demonstrate. The countries chosen may disappoint the methodological purist in that they do not represent a carefully structured set of cases, either from the point of view of the number and function of the institutions, or along the lines of type of domestic political system, emigration policy, size of expatriate communities, relationship with host states or colonial legacy.
However, it is expected that a focus primarily on the state will suggest new questions and answers, just as it will tell a part of the story that is largely missed by studies whose primary focus is the emigrants, their networks and their behavior. 30 These goals are clearly central to sending-state activity. However, the works in transnationalism have also been overwhelmingly limited to Western Hemisphere countries and to their migrant communities’ recent experiences in the USA. Such a focus introduces a number of specificities that may or may not be operative in the cases in this study, which are 27 28 29 30 Baubo¨ck, ‘‘Towards a Political Theory of Transnationalism,’’ p.